In June 2021, the leader of the largest militia in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Wellington da Silva Braga, was killed during a Civil Police operation in Três Pontes favela, in Paciência, in the West Zone of the capital. The death of the leader, more commonly known as “Ecko“, denomination that was also given to his militia, led to the split of the criminal group – already shaken by old disagreements – and, consequently, to new territorial battles.
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The main rivalry is between Ecko’s brother, Luis Antônio da Silva Braga, also known as “Zinho“; and Ecko’s former ally Danilo Dias Lima, alias “Tandera“. The hostilities began one day after Ecko’s death: nearly 100 criminals armed with assault rifles invaded Manguariba favela, also in Paciência, at Tandera’s behest. The attacks and confrontations have not ceased since then, and the war scenario has been the West Zone of Rio de Janeiro, especially around Santa Cruz and Praça Seca, as well as the new militia frontier: the Baixada Fluminense.
THE AREA UNDER CONTROL
According to surveys carried out by the Civil Police of Rio de Janeiro, militias operate in 278 communities in the state. At least 2 million people live in areas under militia influence. At the time of his death, Ecko’s former militia was present in 20 neighborhoods in the capital and at least 6 other cities in Baixada Fluminense.
However, regions controlled by criminal groups have relatively dynamic borders given the territorial disputes with other militias, drug traffickers, and state forces. The core of areas dominated by militias are generally more static. In these areas, militias control diverse types of economic activities: real estate construction and sale of land and property, gas resale, illegal distribution of internet and cable television, collection of “security” fees and sale of smuggled cigarettes.
THE NARCOMILITIA
One of the criminal activities carried out by militias must be highlighted: drug trafficking. This is because the first militias emerged under the prerogative of eradicating drug trafficking and putting order in places “forgotten” by public authorities. As time went by, the militia profile changed radically; the old leaders, usually from public security forces such as policemen, firemen, and prison guards, were replaced by civilians who increasingly saw the militia as a vector for illicit business rather than a “security” service. Given the financial aspect, it was obvious that trafficking would not be left aside. Similarly, drug dealers also began to adopt typical militia practices. A name appeared to designate both: the “narcomilitia”.
FRANCHISING
It is worth noting, however, that Ecko’s militia provided local leaders in each region with certain autonomy to manage and exploit criminal activities, including drug trafficking. This happened because Ecko’s expansionist model was something similar to franchising; groups of local militia would ask to join Ecko’s association and act under his name. For this, they paid fees and in exchange received military, logistical, and human resources support.
This autonomy guaranteed, for example, that the militia member known as Macaquinho, who controlled several communities in Jacarepaguá, allied his group with Terceiro Comando Puro (TCP), the second largest drug faction in the state, to confront the Comando Vermelho (CV), the largest in RJ. However, Macaquinho broke his ties with Ecko after a feud. Soon after, he was arrested, but still maintains his alliance with Tandera.
EXPECTATIONS
The war does not seem to have cooled down, several attacks have been reported this year, and the number of murders caused by militia has already surpassed that of the same period of 2021. The police has acted vigorously against militias, and it is common to see almost weekly operations with dozens of arrests. The state government also seems to have paid more attention to combating militias than in the past, when drug trafficking was the main target. The solutions, however, do not seem to be sufficient so far. The expansion of the groups is likely to continue.
